Friday, 15 January 2016

Nigeria's 15th January 1966 Coup of The 5 Majors: 50 years on

Exactly 50 years ago, on 15th January 1966, Major Kaduna Nzeogwu and 4 other Majors carried out a coup d'etat  that killed mainly leaders from the North & South. The SE suffered the least casualties in the coup, leading some elements to label the coup an Igbo coup. However, a thorough analysis of events preceding, during and after the coup reveals the narrative as misleading and false. It was not an Igbo coup.
Major Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu
The 5 Majors who orchestrated the coup were:
(1) Kaduna Nzeogwu
(2) Adewale Ademoyega
(3) Emmanuel Ifeajuna
(4) Chris Anuforo
(5) Timothy Onwuatuegu
While Nzeogwu completed his own part of the assignment in the North, Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna partly completed his assignment in South West Lagos by not neutralizing then Military Head, General Officer Commanding, Major General Aguiyi Ironsi amongst others.
Radio broadcast by Kaduna Nzeogwu declaring martial Law on the Northern Provinces, January 1966. 
Interview with Kaduan Nzeogwu May 1967 


In all 13 prominent leaders of Nigeria were killed that fateful day including: Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (Prime Minister), Ahmadu Bello (Premier of the Northern Nigeria), Samuel Akintola (Premier of the Western Nigeria) , Festus Okotie-Eboh (Finance Minister),  incl Lt Col Arthur Unegbe (Igbo) and other senior Military officials.

The coup of Jan 1966 which introduced the Military into our politics would change Nigeria's socio-political and socio-economic trajectory forever. A fallout of the Jan 1966 coup was the 'rematch' - the July 1966 coup, masterminded by Lt Col Murtala Mohammed & other Northern soldiers. The July 1966 counter coup resulted in the deaths of 29 Officers of mainly Igbo extraction incl GOC, Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi and Adekunle Fajuyi. It was revenge.

The Igbo ethnic cleansing in the army spilled over to Northern communities. Over 30,000 Igbo civilians in the North were slaughtered in the ensuing anti-Igbo Pogrom. The pogrom led to mass migration of Igbos from the North, South west & other parts of Nigeria to the East. Chinua Achebe n others had to flee Lagos. Subsequently, in 1967 after collapse of the Aburi accord, Odumegwu Ojukwu declared the Eastern region of Nigeria a sovereign state, to be known as Biafra.


The Nigeria - Biafra war spanned 3 years with a casualty figure of over 3 million deaths on the Biafran side, mainly children due to starvation as a result of the economic/food blockade instituted by Federal Government of Nigeria. The brain behind the food blockade was Chief Obafemi Awolowo. A statement credited to Awolowo goes thus: ''All is fair in war, and starvation is one of the weapons of war. I don't see why we should feed our enemies fat in order for them to fight harder.''


In 1970 Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu handed over to his 2nd in command, Major General Philip Effiong, then fled to Ivory Coast.  Few days later Effiong announced an end to the conflict. After the war, a flat sum of 20 Nigerian pounds was approved for each Igbo depositor, regardless of deposited amount previously. Properties owned by lgbos in the North, South and even some in Port Harcourt in the present day South South ‘abandoned property’ were confiscated or destroyed, incl Businesses, shops, homes.


In addition, Igbos were systematically excluded from the indigenization decree of 1974 by Gowon. The Decree sought to transfer ownership via stock, bonds, shares, equity of foreign companies to Nigerians. As a result of the exclusion of Igbos from participating in the indeginization program of 1974, most legacy companies in Nigeria are chaired/owned by Yorubas/Hausas. The Igbos largely had to start afresh.

Major Kaduna Nzeogwu's Grave: Military Cemetery Kaduna, Nigeria.
Major Kaduna Nzeogwu's Grave: Military Cemetery Kaduna, Nigeria. 
Another unfortunate fallout of the Nigerian – Biafran war, in addition to the countless deaths & property destruction, is the enthronement of nepotism & mediocrity in Nigeria’s socio-economic and political consciousness. Permit me to share Chinua Achebe's submission on Nigeria's flawed socio-economic and socio-political ideology, in the following  quote:

''What has consistently escaped most Nigerians in this entire travesty is the fact that mediocrity destroys the very fabric of a country as surely as a war - ushering in all sorts of banality, ineptitude, corruption, and debauchery. Nations enshrine mediocrity as their modus operandi, and create a fertile ground for the rise of tyrants and other base elements of the society, by silently assenting to the dismantling of systems of excellence because they do not immediately benefit one specific ethnic, racial, political or special-interest group. That in my humble opinion, is precisely where Nigeria finds itself today.’’ ~ There Was Country, Chinua Achebe (2012).
Prof Albert Chinualumogu Achebe

Monday, 11 January 2016

Lionel Messi Wins 2015 Ballon D’Or Ahead of Ronaldo and Neymar....and other award winners.

Messi receiving his award
Messi has won the Ballon'Dor for a record 5 times ahead of Ronaldo and Neymar.


FULL LIST OF WINNERS 

  • Ballon d’Or – Lionel Messi 
  • Women Player of the Year – Carli Lloyd of USA 
  • Men’s coach of the year – Luis Enrique 
  • Women’s Coach of the Year – Jill Ellis of the USA 
  • Puskas Award – Wendell Lira 
  • Fair Play Award – Gerald Asamoah

FIFProX1: 

  • Manuel Neuer 
  • Thiago Silva 
  • Marcelo 
  • Sergio Ramos 
  • Dani Alves 
  • Andres Iniesta 
  • Luca Modric 
  • Paul Pogba 
  • Neymar 
  • Lionel Messi 
  • Cristiano Ronaldo


More details to follow...

CENTRAL BANK OF NIGERIA PRESS STATEMENT ON FOREIGN EXCHANGE DEPOSITS IN COMMERCIAL BANKS AND SALES TO BDCS BY GOVERNOR GODWIN EMEFIELE — JANUARY 2016


 1. Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen and welcome to the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). The Management of the Bank has called this Press Conference to give you updates on recent developments in our Foreign Exchange Market as well as the decisions we have taken to ensure that we continue to strive to attain our mandates as set out in the CBN Act of 2007. In order to do so, let me first give you a brief overview of both the global and domestic contexts.

2. As we all know by now, Nigeria has been dealing with the effects of three serious and simultaneous global shocks, which began around the third quarter of 2014.
These include:
  • The over 70 percent drop in the price of crude oil, which contributes the largest share of our Foreign Exchange Reserves; 
  • Geopolitical tensions along critical trading routes in the world including between Russia and Western Powers, Saudi Arabia and Iran, etc; and 
  • Normalization of Monetary Policy by the United States’ Federal Reserve Bank. 
3. In the aftermath of these shocks, growth in the global economy in the first two quarters of 2015 was less than envisaged thereby leading to a weak outlook for the rest of the year. Indeed, estimates of global growth for 2015 have been revised from almost 4 percent to 3.1 percent. The challenges of these global developments are having lopsided effects in many emerging and developing countries. Within this context, and especially when juxtaposed with comparable countries, the Nigerian economy remains moderately robust. Nonetheless, these strong global headwinds are impacting the domestic 3 economy considerably. In 2015, GDP growth decelerated from 3.9 percent in the first quarter to 2.4 percent in the second quarter. However, it has increased slightly to 2.8 percent in the third quarter.

4. Although headline inflation remained single digit, it stayed slightly above the Bank’s tolerance range of 6—9 percent, having risen marginally from 9.3 percent in October to 9.4 percent in November 2015. A breakdown of the inflation dynamics indicates that the underlying pressure derives largely from the lingering base effects of unfavourable energy prices and exchange rate passthrough, which may have been exacerbated by delayed harvests.

5. Following the drop in crude prices from a peak of US114 barrel in July 2014 to as low as US$33/barrel in January 2016, the country’s reserves has suffered great pressure from speculative attacks, round tripping and front loading activities by actors in the FX market. This fall in oil prices also implies that the CBN’s monthly foreign 4 earnings has fallen from as high as US$3.2 billion to current levels of as low as US$1 billion. Yet, the demand for foreign exchange by mostly domestic importers has risen significantly. For example, the last we had oil prices at about US$50 per barrel for an extended period of time was in 2005. At that time, our average import bill was N148.3 billion per month. In stark contrast, our average import bill for the first nine months of 2015 is N917.6 billion per month, even though oil prices are now less than US$35 per barrel. The net effect of these combined forces unfortunately is the depletion of our foreign exchange reserves. As of June 2014, the stock of Foreign Exchange Reserves stood at about US$37.3 billion but has declined to around US$28.0 billion as of today.

6. To avoid further depletion in the reserves, the CBN took a number of countervailing actions including the prioritization of the most critical needs for foreign exchange. In this regard, and in order of priority, we decided to provide the available but highly limited foreign exchange to meet the following needs:
  • Matured Letters of Credit from Commercial Banks 
  • Importation of Petroleum Products 
  • Importation of critical Raw Materials, Plants, and Equipment, and 
  • Payments for School Fees, BTA, PTA, and related expenses 
7. In total disregard of the difficulties that the Bank is facing in meeting its mandate of “maintaining the country’s foreign exchange reserves to safeguard the value of the Naira”, we have continued to observe that stakeholders in some of the subsectors have not been helpful in this direction. In particular, we have noted with grave concern that Bureau de Change (BDC) operators have abandoned the original objective of their establishment, which was to serve retail end users who need US$5,000 or less. Instead, they have become wholesale dealers in foreign exchange to the tune of millions of dollars per transaction. Thereafter, they use fake documentations like passport 6 numbers, BVNs, boarding passes, and flight tickets to render weekly returns to the CBN.

8. Despite the fact that Nigeria is the only country in the world where the Central Bank sells dollars directly to BDCs, operators in this segment have not reciprocated the Bank’s gesture to help maintain stability in the market. Whereas the Bank has continued to sell US Dollars at about N197 per dollar to these operators, they have in turned become greedy in their sales to ordinary Nigerians, with selling rates of as high as N250 per dollar. Given this rent-seeking behaviour, it is not surprising that since the CBN began to sell foreign exchange to BDCs, the number of operators have risen from a mere 74 in 2005 to 2,786 BDCs today. In addition, the CBN receives close to 150 new applications for BDC licenses every month.

9. Rather than help to achieve the laudable objectives for which they were licensed, the Bank has noted the following unintended outcomes:

  • Avalanche of rent-seeking operators only interested in widening margins and profits from the foreign exchange market, regardless of prevailing official and interbank rates; 
  • Potential financing of unauthorized transactions with foreign exchange procured from the CBN; 
  • Gradual dollarization of the Nigerian economy with attendant adverse consequences on the conduct of monetary policy and subtle subversion of cashless policy initiative; and 
  • Prevailing ownership of several BDCs by the same promoters in order to illegally buy foreign currencies multiple times from the CBN. 
10. More disturbing, though, is the financial burden being placed on the Bank and our limited foreign exchange. The CBN sells US$60,000 to each BDC per week. This amount translates to US$167 million per week, and about US$8.6 billion per year. In order to curtail this reserve 8 depletion, we have reduced the amount of weekly sales to US$10,000 per BDC, which translates into US$28.4 million depletion of the foreign reserve per week and US$1.476 billion per annum. This is a huge hemorrhage on our scarce foreign exchange reserves, and cannot continue especially because we are also concerned that BDCs have become a conduit for illicit trade and financial flows.

11. In view of the above, the Management of the Central Bank of Nigeria has reached the following decision, which take immediate effect: a) The Bank would henceforth discontinue its sales of foreign exchange to BDCs. Operators in this segment of the market would now need to source their foreign exchange from autonomous source. They must however note that the CBN would deploy more resources to monitoring these sources to ensure that no operator is in violation of our anti-money laundering laws; 9 b)The Bank would now permit commercial banks in the country begin accepting cash deposits of foreign exchange from their customers.

12. In closing, let me note very importantly that these measures are not intended to be punitive on anyone or any group. Rather it is meant to ensure that the CBN is better able to carry out its mandate in an effective and efficient manner, which guarantees preservation of our scarce commonwealth, and that our hard-earned financial system stability remain intact to the benefit of all Nigerians. Thank you and let me take questions.

Source

Friday, 8 January 2016

SOUTHERN IJAW LGA, BAYELSA ELECTION SCHEDULED FOR SATURDAY, 09.JANUARY.2015 UPDATE


Tomorrow, the good people of Bayelsa will return to the polling booth to attempt to conclude the inconclusive Bayelsa Governorship elections which held on 05.Dec.2015.

To put in perspective:
1. Bayelsa with 8 Local Government Areas (LGA's) is the smallest state in Nigeria in terms of population with a population of 1.7m people.

2. The 2 main contenders are the incumbent Governor Seriake Dickson (PDP) and Timprie Sylva (APC). Timipre was a member of the PDP, he defected to APC in 2014.

3. From the eelction which held on 05.Dec.2015; Seriake won 6 out of the 7 LGA's. Sylva has won 1.

4. Seriake (PDP) has polled - 105,748
Sylva (APC) has polled - 72,594
Difference - 33,154

6. Southern Ijaw LGA is the outstanding LGA that both candidates will contest for tomorrow.

5. Sylva is hoping to win Southern Ijaw by such a margin that will lead him to win the election. (A big task if you ask me)

There has been reports of unprecedented violence being perpetrated by APC thugs with the aim to instill fear in voters tomorrow.
As the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Force and leader of the ruling party, APC, President Muhammadu Buhari cannot be absolved of blame. Buhari having benefited from free, fair and credible elections that it is disappointing that under his watch he is incapable of conducting free and fair elections.

May the voice and will of the people be heard tomorrow. SAY NOT TO ELECTION RIGGING AND VIOLENCE.





Ref Materials:
1. Oshiomole admits to being harassed and assaulted by Timipre Sylva during APC Bayelsa primaries | WAKE UP BAYELSA -

2. Oshiomhole: Sylva has no belief in democracy

Wednesday, 6 January 2016

IMF MD, Lagarde's, Speech To Nigeria's National Assembly

house
Christine Lagarde Addressing Nigeria's National Assembly 

Nigeria—Act with Resolve, Build Resilience, and Exercise Restraint


By Christine Lagarde, Managing Director, International Monetary Fund,
Speech to the Nigerian National Assembly
Abuja, January 6, 2016

As prepared for delivery
Introduction
Honorable Speaker of the House, Honorable Members of Parliament, Honorable Members of the Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Good morning—and—Happy New Year!
I would like to thank you for the gracious introduction, and Members of Parliament and the people of Nigeria for their incredible hospitality.
I have been looking forward to starting my new year here in Nigeria—and I am grateful for the special privilege to speak before this parliament.
My first visit to Africa as IMF Managing Director was in late 2011, and the first country on my itinerary was Nigeria. At that time, Nigeria was emerging from the 2008-09 commodity price collapse and the banking crisis that followed.
Since that visit, Nigeria has been acknowledged as the largest economy in Africa—with a maturing political system. We saw a peaceful general election last year in which, for the first time in Nigeria’s history, there was a democratic transition between two civilian governments. It was a strong sign of Nigeria’s commitment to democracy, to a new Nigeria.
At the same time, the external environment has changed. Oil prices have fallen sharply; global financial conditions have tightened; growth in emerging and developing economies has slowed; and geopolitical tensions have increased.
All this has come at a time when Nigeria is facing an urgent need to address a massive infrastructure deficit and high levels of poverty and inequality.
So, Nigeria faces some tough choices going forward. Nigerians, however, are well known for their resilience and strong belief in their ability to improve their nation and lead others by example. I firmly believe that Nigeria will rise to the challenge and make the decisions that will propel the country to greater prosperity.
As the great Nigerian novelist Chinua Achebe once said: “If you don’t like someone’s story, write your own.” This is exactly what you are doing right now.
And let me assure you that, as you go forward, as you developyour story, the IMF will support your efforts.
Today, I would like to offer my perspective—on your story and punctuate it with three R’s: resolve, resilience, and restraint.
• I will first identify the global economic transitions that are affecting Nigeria and the region.
• I will then turn to the importance of managing the near-term vulnerabilities facing Nigeria’s economy.
• And, finally, share my thoughts on what might help to achieve more inclusive and sustainable growth.

1. Global economic transitions and implications for Nigeria and the region
So let me start with the big picture. For more than a decade, growth in Sub-Saharan Africa was driven by an extraordinary combination of improved policies, stronger institutions, high commodity prices, and high capital inflows.
The region has now entered a different phase, where commodity prices and capital flows are far less supportive. We are in the process of updating our forecasts, but broadly the IMF staff estimates that regional economic growth dropped from 5 percent in 2014 to about 3.8 percent last year, with only a modest recovery expected in 2016.
There is a similar picture at the global level—modest growth last year, with only a slight acceleration expected in 2016. Emerging markets, which propelled global growth after the 2008 global financial crisis, have slowed; advanced economies are still recovering from the impact of that crisis; and financial markets remain volatile.
In fact, both at the regional and global level, growth is affected by three major economic transitions. They include China’s move to a new growth model, the prospect of commodity prices remaining lower for longer, and the increasing divergence in monetary policy in major economies, especially since the recent rise in U.S. interest rates.
Understandably, policymakers in this region are concerned—because these transitions can create spillovers through trade, exchange rates, asset markets, and capital flows.
For example, spillovers are now affecting oil-exporting countries, which generate about half of this region’s GDP. These economies, including Nigeria, are facing massive pressures and challenging prospects.
Over the medium term, oil prices are likely to remain much lowerthan the 2010-13 average of more than $100 a barrel. Why? Because of the huge oversupply in global oil markets. Think of the shale oil boom in the United States, and some historically large producers such as Iraq and Iran coming back to the market. Other factors include OPEC’s strategic behavior and the drop in global demand for oil, especially in emerging economies.
Already, lower oil prices have sharply reduced Nigeria’s export earnings and government revenues. Both are likely to remain at depressed levels, reducing the space for policy interventions to address Nigeria’s social and infrastructure needs.
Private sector investment will also be affected. Investor confidence about the outlook has remained weak, and financing is likely to become more difficult and more costly for everyone. With U.S. interest rates expected to continue to rise, albeit slowly, the likelihood of capital outflows will increase, and exchange rate pressures could mount as investors re-assess their appetite for risk.
More broadly, Sub-Saharan Africa is also facing spillovers from geopolitical factors, including the fight against Boko Haram. The threat of terrorism is very real and never far from our minds. Having been in Paris during the November attacks, I know firsthand the sorrow that so many Nigerians carry in their hearts.
In this region, terrorism not only takes a human toll but it also makes public finances more fragile. How? By widening budget deficits. Revenues are lower, including from lower growth, and spending needs higher, including for security and for supporting those impacted by the violence. One immediate downside is higher financing needs that can crowd out other essential public spending.
This brings me to my second topic—how can policymakers manage these near-term vulnerabilities?
2. Managing near-term vulnerabilities
Let me start by underscoring the progress made in recent years. Nigerians have created a large and diversified economy that has grown by about 7 per cent a year over the last decade. This has been a remarkable achievement, a testament to Nigeria’s immense potential.
The outlook, however, has weakened. Growth in 2015 is estimated at about 3.2 percent—its slowest pace since 1999—and only a modest recovery is expected in 2016.
For a country with a rapidly increasing population, this means almost no real economic growth in per capita terms.
On top of the slowdown, vulnerabilities have increased. The ability to manage shocks is restricted by low fiscal savings and reserves. And the weakening oil sector could stress balance sheets and put pressure on the banking system.
Reduced confidence and lower capital spending also impact the non-oil corporate sector. Unfortunately, this sector looks less resilient today than during the downturn of 2008-09. Companies that have increased their leverage and US-dollar debt in recent years may now come under pressure as they face rising interest rates and a stronger dollar.
Nigeria also has a large regional footprint, and its fortunes affect that of its neighbors, especially through trade. For example, it is estimated that a one percent reduction in Nigeria’s growth causes a 0.3 percent reduction in Benin’s growth.
So what can policymakers do?
I see an immediate priority—a fundamental change in the way government operates. What do I mean by that? The new reality of low oil prices and low oil revenues means that the fiscal challenge facing government is no longer about how to divide the proceeds of Nigeria’s oil wealth, but what needs to be done so that Nigeria can deliver to its people the public services they deservebe it in education, health or infrastructure.
This means that hard decisions will need to be taken on revenue, expenditure, debt, and investment going forward. My policy refrain is this:
Act with resolve—by stepping up revenue mobilization. The first step is to broaden the tax base and reduce leakages by improving compliance and enhancing collection efficiency. At the same time, public finances can be bolstered further to meet the huge expenditure needs. For example, the current VAT rate is among the lowest in the world and well below the rates in other ECOWAS members—so some increase should be considered.
Build resilience—by making careful decisions on borrowing. Nigeria’s debt is relatively low at about 12 percent of GDP. But it weighs heavily on the public purse. Already, about 35 kobo of every naira collected by the federal government is used to service outstanding public debt.
Exercise restraint—by focusing on the quality and efficiency of every naira spent. This is critically important. As more people pay taxes there will, rightly, be increasing pressure to demonstrate that those tax payments are producing improvements in public service delivery.
Let me give you examples of what I mean:
On capital expenditure, the focus must be on high-impact and high value-added projects. This is why the government is focusing on power, integrated transport (roads, rail, air, and ports), and housing. These can help connect centers of activity across the country and drive growth prospects.
On recurrent expenditure, efforts should be made to streamline the cost of government and improve efficiency of public service delivery across the federal and sub-national governments. Transfers and tax expenditures should also be addressed. For example, continuing the move already begun by the government in the 2016 budget to eliminate resources allocated to fuel subsidies would allow more targeted spending, including on innovative social programs for the most needy.
Indeed, fuel subsidies are hard to defend. Not only do they harm the planet, but they rarely help the poor. IMF research shows that more than 40 per cent of fuel price subsidies in developing countries accrue to the richest 20 per cent of households, while only 7 per cent of the benefits go to the poorest 20 per cent.
Moreover, the experience here in Nigeria of administering fuel subsidies suggests that it is time for a change—think of the regular accusations of corruption, and think of the many Nigerians who spend hours in queues trying to get gas so that they can go about their everyday business.
At the same time, we should not forget the huge challenges facing Nigeria’s state and local governments. These sub-national governments—which account for the bulk of social spending—have only limited tools to manage the impact of declining oil revenues. My message here is to manage better the smaller purse, while building capacity to increase internally generated revenue.
The IMF can help in that regard by providing technical assistance on public financial management. We did so for the Kaduna State Government. We can explore how to support states’ efforts to undertake budget reform.
I see another immediate policy priority—strengthen Nigeria’s external position. The essential fact is that, given the structure of the economy, the massive fall in oil priceswhich is expected to continuehas changed the medium term foundations for economic resilience. To be clear, the goal of achieving external competitiveness requires a package of policies including business-friendly monetary, flexible exchange rate and disciplined fiscal policies, as well as implementing structural reforms. Additional exchange rate flexibilityboth up or downcan help soften the impact of external shocks, make output and employment less volatile, and help build external reserves. It can also help avoid the need for costly foreign exchange restrictions - which should, in any case, remain temporary. And going forward, improved competitiveness from improved exchange rate flexibility and other reforms will facilitate the needed diversification of the exports base and, ultimately, growth.
This brings me to my final topic—how can policymakers achieve more inclusive and sustainable growth?
3. Achieving inclusive and sustainable growth
The good news is that Nigeria is already, in many ways, a 21st-century economy.
• Think of the boom in mobile communications in a country where more than 140 million cell phones are in use, nearly one for each Nigerian.
• Think of the vibrant, home-grown film industry that has become the world’s second-largest by output. Nollywood employs about one million people who create films that are winning audiences across the continent and beyond.
• Think of the growing number of innovative startups—from fashion to software development—that are promoting Brand Nigeria. Indeed, the growth in services to about half of Nigeria’s output is a testament to the transformation that has begun, and which needs to continue.

But we all know that huge structural challenges remain, despite the many initiatives that are ongoing. Let me highlight the conditional cash transfer scheme in Kano, where poor households receive financial assistance linked to girls’ enrolment in schools. Overall, however, poverty and inequality still remain high, especially in some parts of the country.
Women account for about 42 percent of the total labor force—which is comparatively low—and their literacy rates are well below that of men. Maternal mortality is relatively high because of limited access to health care. Many women and children are dying every day simply because they cannot get to medical facilities fast enough.
With that in mind, what are the key policy priorities? Invest in quality infrastructure, make the banks work, and improve governance. Let me take each in turn:
The first—act with resolve to significantly improve transportation networks and power delivery [i.e., generation, transmission, and distribution]. For example, Nigeria could be exporting tomato paste—a staple of Nigerian cuisine—on a large scale, but it imports about half of what it needs. This is why Nigeria needs to build more roads and better rail networks, so that more farmers can bring their crops to market.
Likewise, more investment is needed in energy infrastructure in a country where too many businesses and households regard their backup generators as their main power source.
The second priority—build resilience by fostering a sound banking system. This will help channel more savings into productive investments, especially in quality infrastructure.
To be sure, Nigeria’s banks are generally well-capitalized and more resilient than during the downturn of 2008-09. But they are beginning to feel the impact of the growing vulnerabilities in the corporate sector. This means rising non-performing loans, which will need to be carefully monitored and managed.
The third priority—act with resolve in fighting against corruption. In his first public speech after the election, President Buhari singled out corruption as a “form of evil that is even worse than terrorism.”
Corruption not only corrodes public trust, but it also destroys confidence and diminishes the potential for strong economic growth.
At the global level, it is estimated that the cost of corruption is equivalent to more than 5 percent of world GDP1, with over US$ 1 trillion paid in bribes each year2.
Here in Nigeria, important initiatives to discourage graft are underway and should be applauded. Let me highlight the publication of monthly data on the finances and operations of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. This provides information on a key sector, building confidence in transparency, and improving accountability of oil revenues, for the benefit ofall Nigerians.
Much more can—and needs to be—done. Fighting corruption is a multi-year, multi-generational struggle that must be won.
Conclusion
So let me conclude: today your nation has embarked on a new journey. Nigeria is looking ahead, while drawing strength from its assets—the richness and diversity of its culture, the ingenuity of its people, and the belief in a better future.
Today policymakers have the opportunity to address near-term vulnerabilities and medium-term challenges—with resolve,resilience, and restraint. Today the “Giant of Africa” is walking with a spring in her step—inspiring others in the region and across the world.
As the great Nigerian poet Ben Okri once said: “Our future is greater than our past”.
Thank you.


1 World Economic Forum
2 World Bank



The White Paper: The Unfortunate Looting of Rivers State Resources By Simeon Nwakaudu


White Paper on The Judicial Commission of Inquiry Indicting Ex-Gov Rotimi Amaechi
Rivers State is one state that had her resources recklessly plundered by officials and friends of the immediate past administration of Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi to the extent that no funds were left for the then incoming Nyesom-Wike led administration to effectively take off. To cover up this ungodly deliberate squandering of State resources, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi refused to write a handover note. He chose to play the Ostrich.
However, Amaechi gave Nigerians an insight into the ugly financial condition of Rivers State on May 18, 2015 during a post election meeting. Amaechi said: " I’m not joking, we have no money anywhere. In Rivers State, no money. I think Nyesom Wike is coming, we are waiting. He will look for money for salary; there is none... we will see if any of them...can build the schools, the roads, even to get a loan'', this is after receiving over N3Trn during his 8 years in government, Amaechi failed to leave funds for the development of the state. Rather, he crippled the financial base of the state in pursuit of unnecessary political goals.
Ex-Gov Rotimi Amaechi disembarking from a Private Jet
Despite wasting the resources of the state, former Governor Rotimi Amaechi went ahead to sell valuable assets of the state to friends and cronies. Resources that accrued from the sale of these resources ended up in private accounts. 
Several petitions by concerned groups have been written to the anti-corruption agencies and the National Assembly on the unfortunate looting of Rivers State resources by officials of the Amaechi administration. The agencies are yet to act.
On his own, Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Ezenwo Wike set up the Judicial Commission of Inquiry for the investigation of the administration of Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi on the sale of valued assets of Rivers State and other related matters under the chairmanship of Justice George Omereji.
The judicial commission of Inquiry met legal obstacles as Mr Amaechi approached the courts. His objection to the sitting of the commission was set aside. The Commission sat publicly and released its report. The report has since been backed by a white paper issued by the Rivers State Government.
The former Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi and some of his former Commissioners were indicted by the commission for alleged diversion of State funds. These indictments were accepted by the White Paper Committee, which also clearly accepted the relevant recommendations of the Justice Omereji Judicial Commission of Inquiry.
Dakuku Peterside Receives Rotimi Amaechi
It is necessary to point out a few of these indictments as contained in the report of the Justice Omereji Judicial Commission of Inquiry and the White Paper released by the Rivers State Government.
On the sale of the power assets, the Judicial Commission of Inquiry indicted Former Governor Rotimi Amaechi along with his former commissioners of finance and power, Dr Chamberlain Peterside and Sir Augustine Wokocha respectively for allegedly engaging in defective share sales contract. The office of the Attorney-General of the state was directed to take measures to recover proceeds of the sale of the power assets.
On the Monorail Project, the Justice Omereji Judicial Commission of Inquiry recommended the following in its report which was accepted by the Rivers State Government : "The commission recommends the recovery of the total sum of N35,108,316,295.65 from Brigadier-General Anthony Ukpo, TSI Limited, Former Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi and George Tolofari for being the masterminds behind the failed monorail project. "
On the failed non-existent Karibi-Whyte Specialist Hospital, the Judicial Commission of Inquiry indicted former Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi, his then Health Commissioner Dr Sampson Parker and Clinotech Company. The State Attorney-General was directed to recover N4.6bn from them.
Governor of Rivers State, Ezenwo Nyesom Wike
Former Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi was also indicted by the Judicial Commission of Inquiry for the misappropriation of N3bn CBN agriculture loan which was diverted to the funding of the prosecution of the 2015 general elections. The said money was shared to former local government council chairmen and political associates instead being disbursed to farmers.
One of the most unpatriotic actions was the misuse of the State Reserve fund by the Amaechi administration. This fund was saved at the height of the excess crude proceeds. The State lost over N40 billion due to illegal withdrawals not backed by due process.
While indicting Amaechi for this disservice to the people of the state, the Judicial Commission of Inquiry wrote: "considering the illegality surrounding the withdrawals, the former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi should be held to account ".
The National Assembly refused to deliberate on the report of its Ethics and Privileges Committee on petitions written against the former Governor. They allowed political consideration to becloud overriding National Interest. The Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry and the White Paper issued by the Rivers State Government are with the EFCC and the ICPC, but like the National Assembly, political interest rather than National Interest has prevailed.
The APC National Secretariat is aware of this unfortunate circle of fraud, but nobody expects them to raise any questions because they are the biggest beneficiaries of this proven fraud and rape of the finances of Rivers State. After all, majority of them confessed on national television during the ill-fated reception for Amaechi at the International Conference Centre.
Nyesom Wike
Amaechi had the privilege of running Rivers State at her most financially solvent era. He had N3trillion at his disposal for eight years , but chose to abuse the trust bestowed on him. He preferred the mismanagement of resources to the deployment of same for the development of the state. He expended huge resources on propaganda and politics while the Rivers people remained impoverished.
Rather than build on the foundations laid by his predecessors, Amaechi used the proverbial bulldozer to pull down all structures within sight.
If Amaechi had worked, there wouldn't have been any reason for Governor Nyesom Ezenwo Wike to be tackling the basics of development at this time. This is why more than ever before, Governor Wike needs to be fully supported by all to further concentrate on building a new Rivers State. The work has started and there is no stopping the train till it gets to 2019 in the first instance.
All these distracting noises sponsored by Amaechi will only serve as comic relief and nothing more. The people of the state know Amaechi and his handbag very well. They can never be allowed to have their sticky fingers on the resource base of the state.